From Malaysia’s book bans to Iran war, Anwar’s reform agenda faces sternest test

When Malaysia’s government announced a ban on two books in mid-April, the move raised eyebrows, with some questioning the intent of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration and his reformist credentials. The home affairs ministry on April 16 declared that the books – one of which was a memoir of the grandmother to an ally of Anwar – were a danger to national security for containing communist elements and ideologies. The decision triggered immediate pushback, predictably from civil society groups but also from members of Anwar’s ruling Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, who argued that there was no basis for the ban, especially in the hyper-connected online age of easily accessible information. Just days later, Home Affairs Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail said he was in the process of revoking the ban on the two books and a separate prohibition against a translation of an academic study on Chinese revolutionary leader Mao Zedong, which was funded by the Selangor state government led by Anwar’s own People’s Justice Party (PKR). “Honestly, [I’m] a bit surprised,” said Efan Hamza, a 26-year-old Anwar supporter. “Anwar has always come across as someone open to different ideas. So banning a book feels slightly at odds with that reformist image. If you believe in ideas, why restrict them?” The prime minister finds himself at an unenviable crossroads. In just three short years, he is widely seen to have lost much of his political capital built over decades of championing a reform and anti-corruption agenda, in an attempt to appeal to a Malay-Muslim majority who largely rejected him and his multicultural coalition in a deeply divisive 2022 general election. Since becoming prime minister, Anwar has overseen a rightward tilt in a government that saw the shutting down of a music festival and seizure of watches over LGBTQ concerns – a major taboo among the country’s estimated 20 million ethnic Malay population, whose support is crucial in any election. Over the first four months of this year, his administration banned 26 books, according to government data, compared with just 23 titles removed from shelves over 2025. The target of the government’s anti-communist posturing, maintained from past administrations, was clear – the majority Malays, especially older voters who remember the atrocities carried out by communist insurgents over the course of two emergencies that ended only in 1989, according to analysts. But this has fuelled discontent among Anwar’s traditional support base of urban, middle-class Malays and ethnic Chinese and Indian minorities, while doing little to convince a deeply suspicious Malay heartland base fearful that they could lose political power under his administration. Faced with a “double erosion” of support from the people who voted him into power and those whose votes he covets, Anwar’s options appear to narrow down to whether he should cut his losses and call for an early election or finish his five-year term in the hope that he can correct the course by the time polls are due by early 2028. “The problem is not the strategy to get closer to Malay voters, but whether it ends up sacrificing [his] traditional support base without creating any new strides,” said Awang Azman Pawi, a professor of Malay studies with the University of Malaya. “The disappointment over integrity issues and intellectual freedom has had an effect on the cluster of reformists, urban middle class and young voters who were the moral core of [Anwar’s] reform narrative.” Flailing freedoms? And the sense of frustration runs deep. Despite its promise to reverse the book bans, Anwar’s administration is facing a cacophony of criticisms over its supposed democratic backsliding. Rights activists have accused the prime minister and his reform-centred coalition of failing to uphold freedom of expression, including a promise to repeal the decades-old Printing Presses and Publications Act, which grants the interior minister far-reaching powers to ban books and shut down newspapers. The fact that books are still being banned under the current administration is proof that the censorship mechanism continues to be “actively wielded”, according to human rights lawyer Zaid Malek. “It is a direct cause of the waning democratic spaces in Malaysia,” argued Zaid, a former director of Lawyers For Liberty, a non-profit legal group and once-staunch Anwar ally over his two decades in opposition. The government’s actions also have implications for businesses. An announcement of a nationwide book ban may spur interest in the affected titles, but it is ultimately short-lived and leaves publishers and bookstores with unsold stockpiles. “Maybe ‘bad publicity is still publicity’, and people ask about the books and become curious for a couple of weeks. But then they forget, because there are many other distractions,” said author Amir Hamzah Akal Ali, better known by his pen name Benz Ali. Amir, who runs independent bookstore Toko Buku Rakyat in Kuala Lumpur, said the losses would eventually stack up for publishers and smaller businesses already operating on thin margins. “For me, these bans mean I can’t sell those books any more,” he said. Crises, crises everywhere The pushback from Anwar’s political base is just one of the multiple issues that demand his immediate attention. Above all is the ongoing energy crisis triggered by the Iran war. Compared with many of its Southeast Asian peers, Malaysia has been partially insulated from the fallout, thanks to its large domestic gas reserves and strong finances, which can support a potential surge in costly fuel subsidies, at least over the short term. The government has assured Malaysians that the country has sufficient fuel supply and agricultural input to last through June, but cautioned them that they may need to start tightening their belts beyond that point. Fuel subsidies, a popular mechanism to curb inflation, are already costing the government 7 billion ringgit (US$1.8 billion) a month and may become more expensive if global crude oil prices continue to rise as the Iran conflict rages on, according to a government source close to Anwar’s office. “Even if we manage to find fresh shipments to top up our supply beyond June, it’s going to be expensive,” the source told This Week in Asia, asking not to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue. “But it is not just fuel. It is also fertiliser, urea … we need to make sure all of that is secured, or the crisis could extend to our food and medicine supplies.” The effects are already being felt on the ground. Six in 10 Malaysians are experiencing rising cost pressures due to surging diesel costs, with the effects felt in sectors ranging from logistics and manufacturing to farming, according to a new survey by the Institute of Strategic Analysis and Policy Research. “The cost cascade [from higher fuel prices] is no longer a model on paper. It is already in our daily lives,” Pamela Yong, the institute’s chairwoman, said in a statement. “The constructive question for the country is no longer whether to act, but how to sequence the response so that fiscal credibility, household protection and viability [of small and medium-sized enterprises] are all preserved at the same time.” The survey, carried out from April 21 to April 26, found that the cost increases were particularly felt in food prices, transport expenses and household goods, with the effects increasingly severe for those in the lower-income bracket. And if that was not enough of a problem, Anwar has to contend with fraying ties between allies and erstwhile rivals in his ragtag unity government. Since February, the prime minister has faced growing demands from his long-time partners in PH and street protesters seeking the removal of Azam Baki, the controversial head of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), over a series of scandals implicating Azam and anti-corruption officers. Last Saturday, the government announced that Azam – whose tenure was extended three times by Anwar – would be replaced by former judge Abdul Halim Aman on May 13, a day after the outgoing MACC chief’s current contract ends. Meanwhile, a faction of the former ruling party Umno brought the Negeri Sembilan state government to the brink of collapse after all 14 of its elected representatives withdrew support for Chief Minister and PKR leader Aminuddin Harun over his handling of a succession war in the state’s royal household. Aminuddin remains in charge at the behest of the state’s ruler. Umno’s central leadership on Wednesday said while it respected the decision by the 14 assemblymen, the party would continue to support the status quo for now. But things remain fluid in Negeri Sembilan. Any power shift in Umno’s favour could trigger a domino effect across other states that would tear Anwar’s fragile ruling coalition apart at the seams, said Kamles Kumar, Malaysia lead with strategic advisory firm Asia Group Advisors. “If the outcome is favourable for Umno, you can expect a similar position ahead of the Johor and Malacca state elections,” Kamles said, referring to two Umno-led states due for elections over the next year. “What starts as a one-off state-level manoeuvre can very quickly become the template. [Anwar’s] coalition should not treat this as an isolated incident.” Silver lining But all is not lost for Anwar. While the leader continues to face pressure on multiple fronts for now, the bar that he has to clear is not very high, according to political analyst Syaza Farhana Mohamad Shukri. PH supporters remained adamant that they would not vote for the Malay-nationalist Perikatan National (PN) opposition as it would go against their demands for reforms, which Syaza said could help Anwar’s case. “As long as Anwar shows determination [to pursue reforms], especially on the MACC issue, he can easily win them back,” said Syaza, a professor of political science with the International Islamic University of Malaysia. Some analysts argue that the confluence of problems facing the prime minister presents an opportune time for him to call for a general election, by putting to rest speculation over popular support for his administration and providing him with a fresh mandate to deal with the fallout from the looming energy crisis. Despite the current schism within his unity government, the country had enjoyed a period of political stability and strong economic recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic under Anwar’s first three years at the helm, said political analyst Mazlan Ali. Malaysia’s economy grew 5.2 per cent in 2025, a second straight year of growth exceeding government forecasts, as Anwar’s administration attracted record foreign investments centred on tech and high-value industries. “This golden opportunity may be lost if the energy crisis caused by the war in the Middle East does not improve, which will have a worse impact, where the government will be forced to cut more petrol and diesel [subsidies],” said Mazlan of Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, suggesting polls should be held by this November at the latest. Efan, the self-professed Anwar supporter, expressed confidence that the prime minister was still on the right track. “I believe his government’s decisions aren’t purely about personal beliefs. It’s a complex system where political pressures, historical sensitivities and long-standing national narratives play a big role,” he said. “It doesn’t really change how I see him or PH.”

From Malaysia’s book bans to Iran war, Anwar’s reform agenda faces sternest test

.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}Anwar’s government has tilted to the right in recent years in a move to win the support of Malay voters, analysts say

Anwar’s government has tilted to the right in recent years in a move to win the support of Malay voters, analysts say