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Seong Hyeon Choi

For most military powers, proving the success of one’s technology in real combat almost always requires undertaking the grave risks of war and human casualties.
In the case of the People’s Liberation Army, Beijing continues to exercise great caution about joining any armed conflict, and the past few decades have brought astounding progress yet an extremely limited combat footprint for its weaponry.
The Iran war could change that.
As tensions around Iran persist, Pakistan, whose imported weapons mostly come from China, has raised its stature in Middle Eastern security, playing a mediating role between Washington and Tehran while establishing its military presence in Saudi Arabia.
Analysts said Islamabad’s higher profile in the Iran conflict could also boost Chinese weapons systems, giving them “exposure without risks” following Pakistan’s recent deployment of fighter jets in Saudi Arabia.

On April 11, Saudi Arabia’s defence ministry announced the arrival of Pakistan’s military at King Abdulaziz Air Base in the kingdom’s eastern province, as part of the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) signed between the “two brotherly countries”.
“The Pakistani force consists of fighter and support aircraft from the Pakistani Air Force, with the aim of strengthening joint military coordination and raising the level of operational readiness between the armed forces of the two countries, thereby supporting security and stability at the regional and international levels,” the ministry said.
Under the SMDA, signed in September last year, Riyadh and nuclear-armed Islamabad treat an attack on one as an attack on both.
The deployment of the Pakistani fighter jets came as Islamabad hosted senior delegations from Washington and Tehran for direct negotiations to end the war that began with US-Israeli strikes on Iran on February 28.
The high-stakes talks failed to yield a deal, and discussions regarding the second round stalled as Tehran called for an end to America’s blockade of ports and vessels linked to Iran in the Strait of Hormuz.
Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump has repeated his demand that Iran never be allowed to build a nuclear weapon.
Jagannath Panda, head of the Stockholm Centre for South Asian and Indo-Pacific Affairs at the Institute for Security and Development Policy in Sweden, called Pakistan’s fighter jet deployment to Saudi Arabia during the Iran war “strategically important”, saying it effectively converted the SMDA into an operational military partnership.
“It signals that Riyadh now sees Islamabad not merely as a political partner but as a rapid-response security actor capable of reinforcing Gulf deterrence during crises,” said Panda, who is also the principal investigator of the “Silk Cage” project covering China’s influence operations in the Indian Ocean region.
“For Pakistan, the move elevates its regional profile,” he added. “Pakistan is no longer only a recipient of Gulf financial support. It is projecting itself as a provider of military reassurance.”
“This is particularly important at a time when Pakistan seeks diplomatic relevance after years of economic and political instability.”
Liselotte Odgaard, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute in Washington, said Pakistan’s jet deployment marked a “qualitative shift” in Gulf security dynamics and confirmed Islamabad as “both a security partner and mediator”.
“Increased Pakistani involvement raises the visibility and credibility of Chinese weapons systems, especially fighter aircraft,” Odgaard said.
“Pakistan is positioning itself as a middle-power security broker, cautious, transactional and intent on avoiding entanglement, while leveraging its ties to Saudi Arabia, China, Iran and the US.”


Chinese weapons have played a major part in Pakistan’s military build-up.
According to global arms transfer data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, up to 80 per cent of Pakistan’s arms imports between 2021 and 2025 originated in China.
While the exact mix of fighter jets Pakistan deployed in Saudi Arabia is not verified, some reports said one aircraft was the JF-17 Block III, a 4.5-generation and the most upgraded variant of the JF-17 series, featuring an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar and the capability to use advanced weapons like the PL-15 long-range missiles.
The JF-17 is a fighter jet jointly developed by Pakistani and Chinese arms contractors – Pakistan Aeronautical Complex and Chengdu Aircraft Corporation – and has also been exported to Azerbaijan, Myanmar and Nigeria.
The Pakistan Air Force has been operating the JF-17 since 2007, with more than 150 of the jets currently in service. The combat aircraft became one of its main fighter jets along with the US-made F-16s from the 1980s and Chinese-made J-10Cs.
The J-10C is itself a 4.5-generation fighter aircraft and the most upgraded version of the J-10 series, which also features AESA radar and the PL-15 missiles.
Pakistan remains the primary export operator of J-10Cs outside China, with at least 20 J-10Cs reportedly in service with the Pakistan Air Force.
During Pakistan’s clashes with India near the disputed Kashmir region in May last year, J-10C jets were reportedly used to shoot down at least one French-made Rafale fighter jet.
Odgaard said Pakistan’s role in the war in Iran “does amplify China’s defence footprint in some ways” by showing Chinese-designed aircraft operating under real crisis conditions in Saudi Arabia.
“If engaged, Pakistani aircraft would almost certainly perform air defence, interception or escort roles, not strikes on Iranian territory,” she added.
“Even limited deployment means Chinese-designed systems such as fighters, radars and missiles are now operating in one of the world’s most scrutinised conflict theatres.
“That in itself raises their profile substantially. So, Chinese weapons systems gain operational exposure, but China does not become a belligerent.”




Panda said Islamabad’s larger role would “indirectly and perhaps substantially” boost the standing of Chinese weapons as Pakistan’s military inventory increasingly depends on Chinese-origin platforms, including drones, frigates, missile systems, radars and the fighter jets.
“If Pakistan expands its role in Gulf security operations, Chinese-made systems would gain visibility through Pakistani deployment rather than through direct Chinese intervention,” he added.
“This gives China a strategic advantage. Beijing can expand its influence without deploying its own forces or taking direct political risks. Pakistan becomes the operational face of Chinese defence systems.”
According to Panda, the JF-17 was especially relevant, for it represented one of the most successful Sino-Pakistani defence collaborations.
“If Pakistani JF-17s are deployed in Saudi Arabia for patrol, interception or deterrence missions, they become a live demonstration of Chinese-linked aerospace technology under real conflict conditions,” he added.
The expanding presence of Pakistan’s Chinese weapons in the Middle East also comes down to a reality that these systems may need to operate alongside the Western-standard inventory that predominates in the Gulf states.
Saudi Arabia, for instance, currently operates more than 230 US-made F-15 fighter jets and is seeking to buy up to 48 F-35 fifth-generation jets after Trump in November last year announced that he had approved the aircraft’s sale to the kingdom.
However, some media reports indicated that Saudi Arabia could become more open to fighter jets equipped with Chinese technology after the SMDA’s activation.
According to a Reuters report in January citing two Pakistani sources, Islamabad and Riyadh were in talks for a deal that could convert about US$2 billion in Saudi loans owed by Pakistan into JF-17 fighter jets.
Odgaard said Pakistan’s operation of Chinese weapons systems in the Middle East could rebut long-standing Gulf concerns that the systems were unproven.


She said talks between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan about converting Saudi loans into JF-17 acquisitions would “directly benefit Chinese defence exporters”, even though US-Saudi defence ties would still stand strong and Chinese weapons systems would not replace Western platforms fully.
“Even if Saudi Arabia continues to rely mainly on US systems, the presence of Pakistani-operated Chinese jets erodes Western exclusivity,” Odgaard added.
“China gains exposure without risk, learning from deployment data while avoiding direct confrontations or sanctions.”
According to Odgaard, while Chinese systems operated by Pakistan could technically operate alongside Western weapons in Gulf air forces, it would only happen in a “limited, carefully deconflicted way” rather than in an integrated coalition air campaign, given the “complex” nature of interoperability.
If Pakistan increased its role in defence of Saudi Arabia during a conflict involving Iran, she continued, Islamabad’s Chinese combat aircraft could independently defend specific bases or energy infrastructure, while the Gulf states’ US-made fighters would maintain offensive strike missions.
“Pakistan has a lot of experience integrating mixed fleets, F-16s, [French] Mirages, JF-17s, which gives it procedural agility,” Odgaard said. “Saudi and Emirati forces also routinely operate with non-US partners.”
“Therefore, Pakistani-operated Chinese systems would be used as force multipliers at the margin, gap fillers in specific sectors and as political signals of diversified partnerships but not as a backbone of Gulf air operations.”
Panda said Pakistan’s vaster security role also had “consequences” for Chinese weapons outreach in that every successful Pakistani mission in the Gulf “indirectly markets Chinese defence technology”.
“If Gulf states view Pakistan as dependable, they may also become more open to Chinese-origin platforms for patrol, training or lower-cost fleet diversification,” he added.
“Therefore, Pakistan’s rise in Middle East security politics is not only about Islamabad’s ambitions. It may also become one of the most effective channels through which China quietly expands strategic and defence influence west of the Indo-Pacific.”


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Islamabad’s elevated stature in Middle East security could make it ‘the operational face of Chinese defence systems’ via regional deployment


Islamabad’s elevated stature in Middle East security could make it ‘the operational face of Chinese defence systems’ via regional deployment.


Will Pakistan’s new defence pact with Saudi Arabia give Chinese arms risk-free exposure?

.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}Islamabad’s elevated stature in Middle East security could make it ‘the operational face of Chinese defence systems’ via regional deployment

Islamabad’s elevated stature in Middle East security could make it ‘the operational face of Chinese defence systems’ via regional deployment